Studi e Saggi Linguistici

V. 61 N. 2 (2023)
Articoli

On āmreḍitas in Sanskrit: Evidence from Vedic Prose

Abbonamento o quota di accesso PDF (English) (EUR 6)
  • Beatrice Grieco
Beatrice Grieco
Università per Stranieri di Siena
DOI: https://doi.org/10.4454/ssl.v61i2.337

Pubblicato 2024-01-24

Parole chiave

  • Vedic Sanskrit,
  • āmreḍitas,
  • intensive category,
  • verbal repetition
Informativa sui diritti

Abstract

This paper aims to provide some preliminary findings on the so-called āmreḍita compounds by considering evidence from Vedic Prose, here represented by the Brāhmaṇas. So far studies have focused on āmreḍitas in the R̥ gveda, while a systematic investigation of those in the later Vedic Prose language has not been undertaken yet. Vedic Prose exhibits the emergence of new forms, almost entirely absent in earlier texts but taught in the Aṣṭādhyāyī. I will focus on verbal āmreḍitas, in particular on those formed with imperatives and gerunds. According to the Indian grammarians, verbal āmreḍitas encode the same values as the intensive category, i.e., kriyāsamabhihāra  “repetitious or intense action” and nitya (= abhīkṣṇya) “reiteration”. The equivalence in meaning between repeated verbal forms and intensive verbs – already identified by Pāṇini and his commentators (cf. Kāśikā ad A 3.4.2; Kāśikā ad A 8.1.4) – explains why verbal āmreḍitas are present in Vedic Prose. Indeed, I will show that the first cases of verbal āmreḍitas are found in Vedic Prose when the intensive category was recessive.

Abbonamento o quota di accesso PDF (English) (EUR 6)

Riferimenti bibliografici

  1. Abbi, A. (1992), Reduplication in South Asian Languages: An Areal, Typological and Historical Study, Allied Publishers, New Delhi.
  2. Amano, K. (2009), Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā I–II. Übersetzung der Prosapartien mit Kommentar zur Lexik und Syntax der älteren vedischen Prosa (Münchner Forschungen zur historischen Sprachwissenschaft, 9), Hempen, Bremen.
  3. Amano, K. (2019), The development of the uses of ha / ha vái / ha sma vái with or without the narrative perfect and language layers in the old Yajurveda- Saṃhitā texts, in «Lingua Posnaniensis», 61, 2, pp. 11-24.
  4. Amano, K. (2020), What is “ knowledge” justifying a Ritual Action? Uses of yá evám véda / yá evám vidván in the Maitrayaṇi Saṃhitā, in Redard, C., Ferrer-Losilla, J., Moein, H. and Swennen, P. (2020, éds.), Aux sources des liturgies indo-iraniennes, Presses Universitaires de Liège, Liège, pp. 39-68.
  5. Bronkhorst, J. (1982), The Variationist Pāṇini and Vedic: A review article, in «Indo-Iranian Journal», 24, pp. 273-282.
  6. Caland, W. (1903), Über das rituelle Sūtra des Baudhāyana, Brockhaus, Leipzig.
  7. Cardona, G. (1993), The Bhāṣika Accentuation System, in «Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik», 18, pp. 1-40.
  8. Cardona, G. (1996), Āmreḍita compounds?, in Schmidt, H. and Wezler, A. (1996, Hrsg.), Vedavyākaraṇa-vyākhyāna: Festschrift Paul Thieme zum 90. Geburtstag am 18. März 1995, special issue of «Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik», 20, pp. 67-72.
  9. Collitz, H. (1882), Ueber eine besondere Art vedischer Composita, in Verhandlungen des fünften internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses:
  10. gehalten zu Berlin im September 1881. Vol. 2, 2, A. Asher and Co. Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin, pp. 287-298.
  11. Degener, A. (1987), Khotanische Komposita, in «Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft», 48, pp. 27-69.
  12. Delbrück, B. (1888), Altindische Syntax, Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, Halle.
  13. Ditrich, T. (2011), The typology of āmreḍita compounds in the R̥ gveda, in «Acta linguistica asiatica», 1, pp. 71-83.
  14. Dressler, W. (1968), Ved. divé-dive und die idg. Iterativkomposita, in Mayrhofer, M. (1968, Hrsg.), Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Kulturkunde: Gedenkschrift für Wilhelm Brandenstein, AMOE, Innsbruck, pp. 39-47.
  15. Dunkel, G.E. (1981a), Āmreḍita and iteration of preverbs in Vedic and Hittite, in «Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung», 95, 2, pp. 214-226.
  16. Dunkel, G.E. (1981b), Further traces of preverbal āmreḍita in Greek and Latin, in «Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung», 95, 2,
  17. pp. 226-231.
  18. Eggeling, J. (1882-1900), The Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa according to the Text of the Mādhyandina School. 5 vols., Clarendon Press, Oxford.
  19. García Ramón, J.L. (2014), On polymorphic presents in the Rig Veda: reduplication and ‘Aktionsart’, in Klein, J.S. and Tucker, E. (2014, eds.),
  20. Vedic and Sanskrit Historical linguistics: Papers from the 13th World Sanskrit Conference, Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, pp. 45-78.
  21. Gershevitch, I. (1961), Grammar of Manichean Sogdian, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.
  22. Giannakis, G.K. (1997), Studies in the Syntax and Semantics of the Reduplicated Presents of Homeric Greek and Indo-European (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, 90), Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck.
  23. Gippert, J., Martín, J., Korn, A. and Mittmann, R. (2016), Thesaurus Indogermanischer Text-und Sprachmaterialien (TITUS) [available
  24. online at https://titus.fkidg1.uni-frankfurt.de/indexe.htm, accessed on 28.02.2023].
  25. Gonda, J. (1975), Vedic literature (= History of Indian Literature, 1, 1), Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden.
  26. Hellwig, O. (2010-2021), DCS – The Digital Corpus of Sanskrit [available online at http://www.sanskrit-linguistics.org/dcs/index.php, accessed on 3.03.2023].
  27. Hellwig, O., Scarlata, S. and Widmer, P. (2021), Reassessing Rigvedic Strata, in «Journal of the American Oriental Society», 141, 4, pp. 847-865.
  28. Hock, H.H. (1993), Review to ‘Abbi, A., Reduplication in South Asian Languages: An Areal, Typological, and Historical Study, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1992’, in «Studies in the Linguistic Sciences», 23, 1, pp. 169-192.
  29. Hume, R.E. (1921), The Thirteen Principal Upanishads. Translated from the Sanskrit with an Outline of the Philosophy of the Upanishads and an Annotated Bibliography, Humphrey Milford / Oxford University Press, London.
  30. Jacobi, H. (1897), Kompositum und Nebensatz, Studien über die indogermanische Sprachentwicklun, Cohen, Bonn.
  31. Jamison, S.W. (1983a), Two Problems in the Inflection of the Vedic Intensive, in «Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft», 42, pp. 41-73.
  32. Jamison, S.W. (1983b), Function and form in the -áya-formations of the Rig Veda and Atharva Veda, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen.
  33. Jamison, S.W. and Brereton, J.P. (2014), The Rigveda: The Earliest Religious Poetry of India. An English translation, Oxford University Press,
  34. Oxford / New York.
  35. Jensen, H. (1959), Altarmenische Grammatik, C. Winter, Heidelberg.
  36. Joshi, S.D. and Roodbergen, J.A.F. (1974), Vedavyākaraṇa-Mahābhāṣya: Bahuvrīhidvandvāhnika (P. 2.2.23-2.2.38) (Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit, 9), University of Poona, Poona.
  37. Keith, A.B. (1920), Rigveda Brāhmaṇas: The Aitareya and Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇas of the Rigveda (Harvard Oriental Series, 25), Harvard University Press, Cambridge (MA).
  38. Klein, J.S. (2003), Āmreḍitas and Related Constellations in the Rigveda, in «Journal of the American Oriental Society», 123, pp. 773-802.
  39. Kulikov, L. (2005), Reduplication in the Vedic verb: Indo-European inheritance, analogy, and iconicity, in Hurch, B. (2005, ed.), Studies on Reduplication, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin.
  40. Lazzeroni, R. (2011), Classi di presente e raddoppiamento in alcune lingue indoeuropee, in «Archivio Glottologico Italiano», 96, 2, pp. 129-145.
  41. Lazzeroni, R. and Magni, E. (2020), Reduplicated presents and pluractionality in Greek and Sanskrit, in «Studi e Saggi Linguistici», 58, 2,
  42. pp. 9-32.
  43. Lowe, J.J. (2017), Transitive nouns and adjectives: Evidence from Early Indo- Aryan, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
  44. Lubotsky, A. (1997), A R̥ gvedic Word Concordance. 2 vols., American Oriental Society, New Haven.
  45. Meissner, T. and Tribulato, O. (2002), Nominal composition in Mycenaean Greek, in «Τransactions of the Philological Society», 100, 3,
  46. pp. 289-330.
  47. Oertel, H. (1941), Die Dativi finales abstrakter Nomina und andere Beispiele nominaler Satzfügung in der vedischen Prosa, Beck, München.
  48. Ozono, J. (2018), Untersuchung der bei Pāṇini angeführten vedischen Formen: Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung reduplizierter Verbalstämme, Sendai, Tohoku.
  49. Patyal, H.C. (1969), Gopatha Brāhmaṇa. English Translation with Notes and Introduction, Diss. University of Poona.
  50. Patyal, H.C. (1973), Remarkable Verbal Forms of the Gopatha Brāhmaṇa, in «Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute », 33, pp. 253-258.
  51. Pott, A.F. (1862), Doppelung (Reduplikation, Gemination) als eines der wichtigsten Bildungsmittelder Sprache, beleuchtet aus Sprachen aller Welttheile, durch Aug. Friedr. Pott., Lemgo / Detmold, Meyer.
  52. Renou, L. (1935), L’absolutif sanskrit en -am, in «Mémoires de la Société de Linguistique de Paris», 23, pp. 359-392.
  53. Ronzitti, R. (2009), Poesia, metalinguaggio e scienza: l’intensivo della radice aind. vart- e RV X,129,1, in «Atti del Sodalizio Glottologico Milanese », 4, pp. 141-152.
  54. Salemann, C. (1930), A Middle-Persian grammar, British India Press, Bombay.
  55. Schaefer, C. (1994), Das Intensivum im Vedischen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen.
  56. Sharma, R.N. (2002), The Aṣṭ ādhyāyī of Pāṇini. Vol. 3: English Translation of Adhyāyas Two and Three with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration,
  57. Word-Boundary, Anuvr̥ tti, Vr̥ tti, Explanatory notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New
  58. Delhi.
  59. Sharma, R.N. (2003), The Aṣṭ ādhyāyī of Pāṇini. Vol. 6: English Translation of Adhyāyas Seven and Eight with Sanskrit Text, Transliteration,
  60. Word-Boundary, Anuvr̥ tti, Vr̥ tti, Explanatory notes, Derivational History of Examples, and Indices, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi.
  61. Shastri, S.D. and Shukla, K. (1965-1967, eds.), Nyāsa or Pañcikā Commentary of Ācārya Jinendrabuddhipāda and Padamañjarī of Haradatta
  62. Miśra on the Kāśikāvr̥ tti [Commentary on the Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini] of Vāmana-Jayāditya (6 vols.), Prachya Bharati Prakashan, Varanasi.
  63. Speijer, J.S. (1886), Sanskrit Syntax, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, Delhi.
  64. Stolz, T., Stroh, C. and Urdze, A. (2011), Total Reduplication. The Areal Linguistics of a Potential Universal, Akademie, Bremen.
  65. Tikkanen, B. (1987), The Sanskrit Gerund: A Synchronic, Diachronic, and Typological Analysis, Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki.
  66. Tribulato, O. (2015), Ancient Greek Verb-Initial Compounds: Their Diachronic Development Within the Greek Compound System, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin.
  67. Wackernagel, J. (1957), Altindische Grammatik: Einleitung zur Wortlehre, Nominalkomposition. Band 2, 1 (2nd ed.), Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen.
  68. Whitney, W.D. (1885), The Roots, Verb-Forms and Primary Derivatives of
  69. the Sanskrit Language, Breitkopf and Härtel, Leipzig.
  70. Whitney, W.D. (1889), A Sanskrit Grammar, Breitkopf and Härtel, Leipzig.
  71. Whitney, W.D. (1893), On recent studies on Hindu grammar, in «American Journal of Philology», 12, pp. 171-197.
  72. Yates, A.D. (2014), The Anatolian āmreḍitas: Distribution, Function and Prehistory, paper presented at the 224th Annual Meeting of the American Oriental Society (Phoenix, March 15, 2014).